This is What Happens When We Trash Alternative Facts
“Alternative facts” are not just Trump soundbites; they’re actual elements of American history that are produced (and reproduced) via textbooks, the erection of monuments, and the focus of television news.
Revisionist history, which reinterprets the historical record, has been used to “rewrite” the history of the American confederacy, seeking to condition the American public to a prolonged narrative of white supremacy and Black subjugation. But New Orleans had had enough. Statues which sought to promote white supremacy without recognizing its terroristic realities were deemed a “public nuisance” and to date, four of them have been removed.
On May 19th, 2017, New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu orated one of the most infamous speeches condemning white supremacy, supporting truth-telling and promoting racial justice. The speech signaled the removal of the last of four monuments to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy: Gen. Robert E. Lee, President Jefferson Davis, Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard, and the memorial of the Battle of Liberty Place, a white-supremacist attempt to overthrow New Orleans’ post-civil war government. In Landrieu’s words:
“To literally put the Confederacy on a pedestal in our most prominent places of honor is an inaccurate recitation of our full past. It is an affront to our present, and it is a bad prescription for our future. History cannot be changed, it cannot be moved like a statue.”
“why [are there] no slave ship monuments, no prominent markers on public land to remember the lynchings or the slave blocks; nothing to remember this long chapter of our lives; the pain, the sacrifice, the shame … all of it happening on the soil of New Orleans. So for those self-appointed defenders of history and the monuments, they are eerily silent on what amounts to this historical malfeasance, a lie by omission. There is a difference between remembrance of history and reverence of it.”
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While Mayor Landrieu’s actions and speech signaled notable progress after a tide of public hearings and judicial review, the work of grassroots activist groups have been largely side-stepped by mainstream media. But thanks to Clint Smith’s recent article in the New Republic, we know more about their story.
Before Landrieu was even in office, New Orleans-based activists mobilized to scrub the city of its honorable mentions of the Confederacy. In the 1980s and 1990s, activists mobilized to change the name of 23 schools. And, in the aftermath of the Charleston Massacre, Take ‘Em Down NOLA helped propel an already forward-moving movement to remove enduring symbols of white supremacy.
Take ‘Em Down NOLA, a prominent activist group in the area, is a “Black-led multiracial intergenerational coalition” that seeks to “remove the name of every Confederate, white supremacist, and slave-owning individual from New Orleans.” And while the removal of these four monuments constitutes more progress, the group has identified 100 other statues, 24 street names, seven schools, and two hospitals with troubling references. As Smith notes, even Tulane University was named after Paul Tulane – the largest donor to the Confederacy in New Orleans.
New Orleans, LA, and Charleston, SC have taken steps to address the physical representations of revisionist history – and other cities may soon follow suit. Baltimore’s mayor is considering removing the city’s Confederate monuments, including a statue of Roger Taney, the Supreme Court chief justice who wrote the Dred Scott decision, as well as monuments of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson.
And, institutions like Georgetown University will rename two buildings previously bearing titles that reflected the school’s past dealings in slavery. While some will say we need these reminders so that “history won’t repeat itself,’ remembering only part of a history through a statue which dictates a single narrative is a history we should remember no more. Let’s #PushBlack and tell the whole story. All of the time.
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The post This is What Happens When We Trash Alternative Facts appeared first on PushBlack.
It’s popular for people to say they are going “Back to Africa,” but rarely do we talk about former movements of doing so. To be honest, “Back to Africa” efforts have come in waves and seen their share of success and failure.
As early as 1820, Black Americans began journeys back home via the American Colonization Society (ACS) founded by Charles Mercer and Robert Finley. Comprised of prominent white religious leaders and slave owners, the ACS had contradictory intentions for supporting the migration of free Blacks to Africa.
While religious figures thought that Blacks would have a better chance for true freedom by leaving the U.S., slave owners either desired to get rid of them out of fear of rebellion or wanted them to stay in order to exploit them for further economic gain.
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Many free Blacks had doubts about leaving the country and were often too afraid to leave what they were conditioned to view as “comfort” near white people.
It was around this time when many American-born Africans began considering themselves African-Americans despite living in a nation that clearly did not want them there.
But what about the Blacks who chose to leave?
The ACS founded the Republic of Liberia and welcomed nearly 13,000 residents by time of the Civil War. The Liberian government promised 25 acres of land to Black migrants from America, but those who came over encountered unexpected challenges.
Although Liberia was described as a new home and land of opportunity, many of these formerly enslaved folks had been stripped of their original languages and customs and converted to Christianity leaving them with few solid connections to their roots.
Additionally, the first rulers of Liberia were white and the subsequent Blacks from America who rose to power often emulated what they learned from these past leaders, which led to the subjugation of native Africans who were in the region.
Migration died down for a while until the next wave resurfaced with the rise of the KKK in South. Blacks feared for their lives and saw no hope for achieving true equality in America.
Unfortunately traveling to Africa was costly, so lots of people who hoped to go were precluded from doing so.
Up until this point there had been no Black-led efforts to get people back to the motherland, but then arrived the legendary Marcus Garvey bringing with him the idea of African Zionism.
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In Garvey’s own words, “many white men have tried to uplift them [the Negroes], but the only way is for the Negroes to have a nation of their own, like the Jews, that will command the respect of the world with its achievements."
Garvey developed a three-pronged approach to getting people to Africa. First, he established the Universal Negro Improvement Association, which birthed crucial organizations that aided in the effort to get resources to Liberia.
Second, he created the Black Star Line that provided direct transportation to different parts of Africa. Finally, he instituted the Negro Factories Corporation to encourage Black economic independence by building factories, grocery stores, restaurants, and other businesses.
Unlike the ACS, Garvey was not simply motivated by the idea of racial separation from white Americans but rather a definitive need for Black nationalism. Much of his political and religious thought spawned rastafarianism and inspired the Nation of Islam.
Revisiting these “Back to Africa” movements begs us to ponder what such a push would look like today. Media-driven stereotypes about Africa may hinder our ability to even conceptualize what life could be like for us there.
Additionally, “Back to Africa” rhetoric often focuses on the idea of freedom and returning to roots, but are most people prepared for that cultural immersion?
If a new “Back to Africa” movement is going to work, we must all come together and repair what has been lost culturally and reject much of the poison Europeans have injected us with. Stokely Carmichael said it best when he articulated that it all starts with a focus on Africa and accepting ourselves as African, not just being Black.
If you are interested in planning your return home, Ghana has implemented a “Right of Abode” program which welcomes all brothers and sisters in the Diaspora to become citizens of the nation.
There is a lot of power in a name, which is why this news was exciting for many.
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In October 2017, The U.S. Board of Geographic Names officially renamed Negro Bill Canyon to Grandstaff Canyon in Moab, Utah. The canyon is named after William Grandstaff, a Black rancher and prospector.
William Grandstaff claimed the canyon in 1877 to mine for ores. Due to his involvement in the local saloon and nomination as a constable in the local election, it was clear that he was well-liked. However, after being accused of smuggling whiskey to Native Americans, he was forced to give up his canyon.
Because he was Black, he assumed that he would be found guilty, so he fled from his home, spending the rest of his days in Colorado. His death was honored on the front page of the Glenwood Spring Post and the Avalanche Echo.
The name change has been a long time coming. It was originally named “Nigger Bill Canyon” in the 1800s. After years of having a blatantly racist name, in the 1960s, the canyon’s name was changed to Negro Bill Canyon. After this change, a proposal was put forward three times in 1999, 2013 and 2015 to change the name from Negro Bill Canyon to something that justly honors the rancher.
While many welcomed the recent name change, some claimed it was unnecessary. The NAACP felt that the name didn’t need to be changed because it wasn’t offensive. A Moab resident felt that changing the name hides history, but the Utah Martin Luther King, Jr. Commission said that the name was “blatant racism.”
“Negro Bill,” or the even worse, “Nigger Bill” doesn’t honor him. It, in fact, is backhanded and disrespectful. Preserving history is possible without preserving racism.
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Have you ever heard your grandma utter, “I’m sick and tired of being sick and tired”?
Many believe that these words were first spoken by the iconic, civil rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer, during her 1964 speech at a Harlem church. She was discussing her 1962 trip to Indianola.
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She’d left her job at a sharecropping plantation in Mississippi and jumped on a bus in an attempt to register to vote. She detailed the experience with the crowd, explaining the literacy test, the voter registration form,and the bus trip.
Then she began to describe what happened in 1963. It was a harrowing turn of events for the group, who were returning from a voter education workshop. During a pit stop in Mississippi, several of the activists left their bus to grab food or use the restroom.
Hamer, still on the bus at this time, witnessed police chasing her peers out of the restaurant and ran to their aid. The scene led to multiple arrests, and once in jail, brutal beatings ensued.
According to detailed accounts of Hamer’s life, the beatings she endured left her with permanent kidney, leg, and eye damage.
Despite the severity of the event, Hamer went on to help establish the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. And in 1964, she delivered a testimony during the Democratic National Convention that was so compelling, it was broadcast on national TV.
Fannie Lou Hamer spent her entire life working. At age six, she picked cotton alongside her family. At age 12, she had a full-time job. And by the end of her life, her legacy of service included fighting for civil rights, developing child and family services, and championing women’s issues.
Hamer passed away in 1977 due to heart disease and cancer. With her selfless dedication to her community, her most repeated refrain now brings irony. She may have been “sick and tired of being sick and tired,” but she worked until the very end.
If you would like to know more about Fannie Lou Hamer, check out This Little Light of Mine: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer.
The legendary James Baldwin and Richard Wright notoriously never saw eye-to-eye on what it means to be Black in America. These two authors have fostered some of our most memorable, nostalgic, and liberating moments by telling stories that we emotionally connect to, however, they fundamentally disagreed on how to talk about the Black experience.
Baldwin and Wright are both world-renowned best-selling authors who articulated the plight of African-Americans in their work. Each writer’s unique perspective has contributed to the diversity of voices represented within Black literature. However, these two had serious “beef.” Baldwin despised how Wright characterized the Black community in his famous novel “Native Son” so much so that he wrote an entire book of criticism called “Notes of a Native Son” detesting Wright’s work.
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Baldwin’s main critique of “Native Son” was that it reinforced dangerous racial stereotypes about Black people. He argued that Wright used these disgusting depictions of Blacks to appease his white audience and sell more books. In essence, Wright “sold out” his own community by giving his characters stereotypical traits to make them palatable for whites in hopes to elicit their sympathy. Bigger Thomas, the story’s protagonist, was a murderer and rapist motivated by animal-like impulses while his supporting characters were petty criminals, mammies, and Negroes satisfied with an average life in the ghetto.
According to Baldwin, “Native Son” stripped Black people of our humanity in a time when we needed to be affirming our humanity the most. Baldwin even compared the damage done by “Native Son” to Harriet Beecher Stowe’s “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” which famously degraded Blacks and made us appear subservient to whites. The difference being Wright is a Black writer perpetuating these negative images, which arguably is even more problematic.
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Representation matters in more than just novels, and that is why Baldwin took the time to address Wright. He understood that these were more than mere words on a page; these words carried consequences. If Blacks are perpetually portrayed as urban, criminal, lazy, and aggressive, people may truly believe that all Blacks fit those descriptions. This leads to a public that devalues the lives of Blacks and sees us as expendable. And ultimately, Baldwin believed Wright contributed to these destructive narratives.
Who was right – Baldwin or Wright? Were Baldwin’s criticisms warranted? Was Wright simply reflecting his authentic experiences?
What we know for certain is Black people have a collective image that nobody is going to protect but us. Although this image is highly influenced by books, music, movies, and even popular culture, we as individuals each have the power to contribute to ensuring it remains positive. Our words and actions can either uplift or tear down barriers created by racial stereotypes so we must choose them wisely.
The post The Revealing Conflict between Baldwin and Wright appeared first on PushBlack.
It is not uncommon to hear pundits talk about Black voters’ unfaltering loyalty to the Democratic party, regarding the Black vote for Democrats as an inevitability. Indeed, for the past few presidential races, 90% of Black voters have chosen the Democratic candidate.
However, 100 years ago Black voters had this same loyalty for the the Republican Party. Even as recent as the 1960’s, only two-thirds of Black voters identified as Democrats. So why did this party shift occur?
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According to some political scientists, Barry Goldwater happened. Goldwater, the Republican nominee in the 1964 presidential race, is considered the forefather of the Tea Party movement.
Goldwater opposed the passage of the Civil Rights Act, which appealed to Southern White segregationists, and ushered in a conservative movement that overtook the Republican party. Black voters, in turn, realizing the Party of Lincoln had become hostile to them, did not take long to switch parties.E
Even today, Black Americans have switched towards the Republican party for various reasons. Just last year, two students relaunched Howard University’s student Republican Chapter. And, the infamous Ben Carson was once a Democrat, back in the day. While jobs, the economy, education reform and criminal justice policy remain hot topics on the political debate floor, upcoming state elections over the next two years could have an impact on the temperature of our Congress. Let’s know the facts and vote in favor of policies most beneficial to our community, taken at more than just face value.
PushBlack fam, it is important that we keep this in mind in our fight to hold our politicians accountable and ensure that our votes are not taken for granted. Party lines do not necessarily determine community support. And while tradition may call for support, present records should be the ultimate, defining factor.
Via NPR.org
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The post Why Did Black Voters Flee The Republican Party In The 1960s? appeared first on PushBlack.
Octavius Catto may not be a household name, but his fervent leadership in the fight for equal rights never went unnoticed. In fact, he was so influential that his lifework ultimately got him killed in 1871.
Catto was the progeny of a quite privileged set of parents. His father was a minister and mother descended from one of the richest mixed-race families (the DeReefs) in South Carolina. This status allowed him educational opportunities beyond reach to even most whites at the time.
As valedictorian at the Institute for Colored Youth, now known as Cheyney University, Catto was adamant about finding ways to bridge the gap between Blacks and whites and would dedicate his future military, political, and athletic careers doing so.
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It turns out that the Civil War brought drama directly to his Pennsylvania doorsteps and spawned his participation in the military. He saw the war as a viable opportunity for African Americans to prove themselves as equals so, in addition to joining himself, he launched a campaign seeking Black volunteer troops.
This was a clever strategy because it was a definite way for enslaved Blacks to acquire their freedom and also gained Catto notoriety within the political community of folks pushing for emancipation legislation. With the passage of the 15th Amendment, he relinquished his military duties and traveled throughout the North educating Black people on the voting process.
His increased political activism fostered strong ties with the Republican party, which he believed to be the primary vehicle through which Blacks would gain civil liberties and equal rights. His professional network included other organizations such as the 4th Ward Black Political Club and the National Equal Rights League, where Frederick Douglass served as President.
Catto was definitely a jack of all trades. In addition to his military and political prowess, he was a star athlete and co-founded the nation’s second all-Black professional baseball team--Pythian Baseball Club.
Despite his charm and charisma on and off the field, many Democrats feared political upheaval as Catto vowed to get droves of newly eligible Black voters to vote Republican. On election day, Catto was murdered in cold blood by Frank Kelly who was a staunch Democrat and closely linked to the party’s figurehead.
Despite multiple eyewitnesses, Kelly was acquitted of the crime by an all-white Philadelphia jury and never brought to justice for his inhumane act. Catto clearly intimidated whites who feared educated Blacks, yet it is still remarkable all that he was able to accomplish in just 32 years of life.
If you'd like to learn more about Octavius Catto, pick up a copy of Tasting Freedom: Octavius Catto and The Battle For Equality In Civil War America.